06 October 2012

Deep Exegesis: The Mystery of Reading Scripture: A Book Review


Jason Andersen
26 September 2011


Peter Leithart is a man of letters and a theologian who has written broadly in areas ranging from classical education to hermeneutics. Deep Exegesis pulls from his varied background, which helps to inform him in the area of Biblical Hermeneutics. The book is an introduction to a literary-theological approach to reading Scripture. His prose is slightly disheveled, engaging, and conversational so that it is easy to sit and get lost in his world.

Deep Exegesis is organized nicely into six distinct aspects of a literary-theological reading of Scripture. According to Leithart, the basics of his method are derived from the medieval church’s Quadriga method of interpretation (13, 207). Quadriga is a Latin word for the four horse chariot. In interpretation, Quadriga means that the interpreter looks at the texts in four ways: literal, allegorical, tropological, and anagogical (13). These categories do not mean exactly the same as we would understand these words today. The literal meaning is the plain meaning of the text i.e. what happened. The allegorical meaning answers the question what does the text mean for our beliefs or faith. The tropological meaning is the moral understanding as to how we Christians ought to live. Finally the anagogical meaning is the meaning that tells us about what we are to hope for (13). As much as Leithart may like and point the reader to these categories, he creates his own that are distinct from this method of interpretation and are more similar to a literary-theological approach to Scripture.  

Leithart begins his discussion of hermeneutics by building a case against current, modern hermeneutics. He traces the history of hermeneutics by looking at three men whom he thinks have influenced us to look at the text as a husk from which we are to find kernels of morality to live our daily lives. These men are Lodewijk Meyer, Benedict Spinoza, and Immanuel Kant. Each was a rationalist and built on the previous scholar as they led the way into a rationalist hermeneutic. Meyer started this trajectory by detaching “truth and meaning of Scripture from its verbal expression” (10). Meyer only accepted as true from the Bible what could be rationally explained. Spinoza responded to Meyer by asserting there is no truth in Scripture because it contradicts itself in many places. We can only know basic truths from Scripture e.g. there is a supreme being, or “those who live according to a [simple] divine law will be forgiven and saved” (13). Finally, Kant goes beyond both of these men and takes away any authority in the Bible and replaces that authority with rationality. To Kant, the Bible “gives us reason’s conclusions in temporal form. Kant is interested in the moral message of the Bible and not the linguistic letter” (29). Leithart continues by saying that this husk-kernel approach to Scripture where the words have less importance than the truths or morals behind the text has driven much of evangelical interpretation in the recent past. Leithart’s historical overview is important groundwork for the continuing chapters. This husk-kernel approach is what he argues against in the rest of the book in favor of a hermeneutics based on the letter (34).

Leithart has five different aspects that he presents in his hermeneutic that he hopes will help us to read Scripture. These categories are: typology, semantics, intertextuality, structure, and application. There has been much discussion in each of these areas over the past twenty years in the Biblical Studies world, and Leithart provides an easy introduction to them for a lay reader. Throughout most of the rest of the book, he uses John 9 as an example to help us to understand the reading that he is teaching.

When Leithart discusses typology, he uses the example of Matthew’s quotation of Hosea, “Out of Egypt I called my son,” as an example that only fits in a typological sense. His typological reading focuses on the idea that the text’s meaning is unfinished. According to Leithart, future events give meaning to a historical event or a text. In other words, the meaning of a text is ultimately unfinished because future events change and add to the meaning of any one event. In addition to this understanding of typology, he also explains it in the way that we commonly speak: an echo of a past event. Thus, Christ’s going to Egypt and the fulfillment of Hosea is an expanding echo of the redemption pictured in Israel’s own Exodus.  

Leithart continues by discussing the roles of words in chapter three. His desire is for us to see words poetically. He says, “When we read a text, especially one with a high level of craftsmanship, we should be alert to the possibility that a covert sense is lurking just under the surface of the overt” (87). In modernity, words were defined only by their semantic range and not seen as pliable expressions that can surprise and question poetically pulling from their unique history (etymology). Leithart reminds us that the words used by a Biblical author are not only poetic but are also recalling the past of Biblical history to paint a rich tapestry. In a similar manner, he also suggests in his discussion of intertextuality in chapter four, that the Biblical authors are recalling a shared heritage that the listeners would have heard or understood. He gives us the example of a joke. In order to understand most jokes, one has to understand the cultural milieu that surrounds said joke. Even if we were missing one important point of information, the joke may not be funny. This is also true when a Biblical author pulls something from the Biblical past. When he writes, he hopes to pull from a common heritage anticipating that the chords of his teaching might resonate with the reader.  He remarks, “Everyone brings information to the text that is not in the text” (117). In this discussion Leithart wants his readers to see that it is very important that we come to the text knowing that we miss much because we are not looking for the echoes of Scripture in the text as we read.

Moving on from intertextuality, Leithart stresses the fact that Scripture is also highly structured. One of his most important thoughts that drives him and bears repeating:

Is it not safer to stay on the surface and make sure that we do not put words into God’s mouth? Safer, yes. But caution is not the only hermeneutical virtue. At the same time we are making sure that we do not hear God say things he did not say, we want to make sure that we do not miss anything either (142-143)

Specifically, he wants the reader to see that the structure in Scripture is not just a flat retelling of either history or of a propositional truth but that the structure inherently has and builds meaning just like the structuring of Bach’s countermelodies build meaning as his songs progress.

In his final chapter Leithart discusses the idea Totus Christus: it’s all about Christ. He quotes Augustine for a slightly different perspective than we are used to, but it helps to clarify what he means by Totus Christus. Augustine describes the Church as being a part of the body of Christ and thus Scripture could be about either or both (173, 174). In addition to presenting this concept, Leithart takes an excursion within the chapter to delve into the relationship between the Biblical story and classical myths, specifically Oedipus.
There is much to commend in Leithart’s book. He uses language very well to communicate the message of the book. In many instances his metaphors and word pictures help the reader to see clearly the ideas he is presenting. The chapter titles are also helpful in building each topic, which could have been described in a very dry scholarly sort of way. For example, his chapter on intertextuality is called, Texts Are Music. He first paints the picture of a corollary intertextuality in music and then carries this into the realm of reading the Bible. This helps the reader immensely and provides for a more engaging book. It is also very helpful that Leithart sticks to John chapter 9 and applies the different concepts to the same passage. This helps us to focus on the topic much better than if he had introduced multiple texts since we would have to be continually reminded of the new story introduced.

In many ways, this book seems to be very much similar to Robert Alter’s The Art of Biblical Narrative. Many of the topics or issues are discussed similarly, and it is great to see that what was initiated in the Old Testament realm over 30 years ago by Alter is now catching on in New Testament readings of Scripture. Of course, Leithart comes to the table with a Christian versus Jewish/secular worldview, and this makes for a more meaningful discussion. A comparable volume in some ways is Jonathan Pennington’s Reading the Gospel’s Wisely. Each book has its strengths. Pennington is much clearer in what he is saying, but Leithart has the imagination that makes reading his book so enjoyable. Deep Exegesis does not teach us a method, but gives us a way of thinking about how we should read Scripture. This is beneficial, but we look forward to resources that help the reader of Scripture to apply these thoughts.  

In some places, Leithart’s desire to paint a picture leaves the reader hanging for a clear, grounded-in-history statement. This specifically happens when reading about the meaning in chapter two. Leithart raises many reasonable questions and objections to how we typically look at an event, yet in the end, he does not clearly answer them but leaves the reader to deduce what this means. Perhaps this was his intention, and he has fulfilled his objective. However, it is important that the reader is reassured that any meaning in Scripture is not relative to any or all events in the future. Specifically, Leithart could have expressed the importance of two or three Biblical events that do change the meaning of the metanarrative of Scripture: Christ’s 1st and 2nd coming. All other events pale in comparison as to how much they might change the meaning of an event for a reader. How much can Scripture’s meaning change?  Even a different analogy might have helped us understand better.

His historical sketch in the first chapter is also enlightening as to where we are in modern hermeneutics today. It is good to know where we have come from. However, it seemed a bit too spartan. He describes Meyer, Spinoza, and Kant because they were leaders in the cardinal evil of separating the text and meaning. However, it may be that he brushed his strokes too broadly. History is never so simple as to have only one paradigm for anything. For Leithart it seems that most evangelicals read Scripture in this kernel-husk way. History is never so monolith or precise, and it would be good to take his history with a dose of caution.
Overall, Leithart provides an excellent book in an area that is much in need of refreshing. It is very encouraging to see the movement away from the Enlightenment and German higher criticism and the Evangelical’s response to them. Hopefully, as we move forward, evangelicals will have insightful books like Deep Exegesis that bring us back to a more natural and profitable way of reading the text.

Between Two Worlds: The Challenge of Preaching Today: A Book Review

Jason Andersen
11 September 2012


Between two worlds has been in print for over 30 years and is a perennial classic introducing preaching to the next generation of preachers. John Stott had already served at All Souls Church for 37 years as a curate, rector, and rector emeritus by the time he wrote this book. These 37 years of serving in a church and his experience in the broader leadership of the evangelical church have provided him with an excellent vantage point to discuss the challenges of preaching in today’s world. Stott is challenging and encouraging. His words light a desire for preaching that hopefully will not go out.

The book is divided into eight chapters each focusing on a different aspect of preaching in the church today. Chapter one introduces us to a selective history of preaching in the church that is enlightening. There is much benefit in knowing this history as he shows that truly, “preaching is indispensable to Christianity” (15).  He shows when the word of God is preached, the hearts of men are changed. He notes that the preaching began and established the Reformation in Germany (25). He ends the chapter by noting two things: There is a broad witness to the importance of preaching in the Church and this witness is consistent through the ages.

Stott continues in chapter two by presenting objections to preaching today. This chapter includes what seems like dated examples, yet we can bring each one of the examples through a ladder of abstraction of sorts to discover principles that are important to us 30 years later. He most notably brings our attention to the distractions of modern technology, which is an even more pressing concern now than when he wrote it. He encourages preachers “to reckon with a television conditioned culture” (75). In our world, it may not be the TV as much as iPhones and computers, but this is a principle that we ought to keep in the forefront of our preaching ministries. We have to fight for and train attention. In this chapter, he also urges the reader to consider preaching dialectically. This thought comes out again and again through the rest of the book. His point is that preachers need to be connected with the hearts of the congregation. Preaching is to be a dialogue with the congregation. He gives the picture of an African American Church where the sermon is verbally a dialogue between the congregation and the preacher (60, 61). Of course this is a picture and might only work in a certain cultural setting, but Stott says, “All true preaching is dialogical.” He continues, “What the [preacher] says provokes questions in their minds which he then proceeds to answer. His answer raises further questions, to which again he replies” (61).

Chapter three focuses on five convictions that the preacher must hold in ministry. First he discusses a conviction about God: He is light, has acted, and has spoken. This progression is beautifully Biblical and is an important belief. The initial affirmation of God being light implies the second and third affirmation that God reveals himself through his acts and words. Stott continues in this chapter to encourage preachers to stand on the Word of God as a revelation of God and to encourage preachers to believe in the power of this revelation to change the hearts of men. Stott’s second conviction is that Scripture is God’s word written down. This conviction encompasses the doctrines of inerrancy and inspiration. Again, this core belief is an encouragement to preachers to be bold with Scripture knowing that it is living (100) and speaks to the hearts of today’s church (101). This doctrine of the Word should also drive us to exposit scripture carefully and diligently (99). He moves on from this to a third conviction about the Church. “The Church is the creation of God by his Word. . . God’s new creation (the Church) is as dependent on his Word as his old creation” (109). Fourthly, the preacher must have a conviction about the pastorate. A pastor is a shepherd and the responsibility of a shepherd is primarily to feed the flock through teaching (118). Stott’s final necessary conviction of the preacher regards preaching itself.  This conviction centers around his “contention that all true Christian preaching is expository preaching” (125). For Stott expository preaching indicates the content of the sermon. That content is Biblical truth that is derived from the text.

Chapter four discusses applying sermons to the lives of the congregants. Stott calls this application bridge-building. Stott encourages preachers to show congregants the relevance of the faith and the word of God to their lives, and specifically preaching Christ. He says, “We have to provoke them to think about their life in all its moods, to challenge them to make Jesus Christ the Lord of every area of it, and to demonstrate his contemporary relevance” (147). Preaching Christ and his work will satisfy the souls of a congregation. Christ speaks to our congregations today (154). Stott encourages preachers to deal with ethical issues which congregations face. He divides ethics into individual Christian ethics, churchly ethics, and domestic. Personal ethics refers to how each individual believer lives in this world (155). Churchly ethics relates to how we as a church live with each other. This includes how we forgive and encourage one another (157). Domestic ethics deals with our relationships in our households (159). The last issue is that, in our churches, we need to deal with difficult social and political issues. As a church it is important that we address these issues Biblically and exhort the congregation to pursue Biblically what is good in our society whether it relates to sexual ethics or how we as Christians deal with money.

Stott follows up this pivotal chapter by discussing the need for the pastor to study. He quotes Dr. Billy Graham who said, “I remember that Dr. Donald Grey Barnhouse. . . once said: ‘If I had only three years to serve the Lord, I would spend two of them studying and preparing’” (181).  As we come to understand more and more the nature of the Bible as God’s revealed Word, it ought to drive us to study. He says, “If this indeed is the Word of God, then away with slovenly, slipshod exegesis.” Stott gives us three characteristics of study:  it must be comprehensive, open-minded, and expectant. It must be comprehensive because “[e]very heresy is due to the overemphasis upon some truth, without allowing other truths to qualify and balance it” (183). Our study must cover every page of the word of God and take it into consideration. Stott suggests that we use a reading schedule so we can cover the entire Bible within one year and contends that we must be open-minded in the sense that we allow the text to form our opinions. We have to go back and see the text and it’s circumstances in its original context, and we need to allow this picture to inform our minds. This involves opening “our minds wide enough to risk hearing what we do not want to hear” (186). Lastly, he says that we need to be expectant that the word will be a light and will be effective to change.

Not only does the pastor need to study the Bible, but he also needs to engage and study the culture in which he is a part. For example, Stott points out that reading a weekly newspaper has done much to help him see the culture and to have ample illustrations for his sermons. He also urges us to join or start a Christian reading group to read popular books and watch important new films and discuss their cultural significance, giving us insight into those we desire to reach. He says that these groups have “not only increased our understanding of the modern world, but excited our compassion for human beings in their lostness and despair, confirmed our Christian faith, and rekindled our sense of Christian mission” (196). In regard to the logistics of having a time for study Stott suggests something that has helped him all throughout his time as a preacher. He has set aside one day a week, one day a month and one week a year for time to study, pray and reflect on the message to be preached (204).

Chapter six focuses on preparing sermons. Stott gives the preacher six steps to follow in sermon preparation. His first is to choose the text. He gives much practical advice that is good for the preacher to consider in selecting a text. A pastor can use the liturgy to help him select a text, an event in the life of the nation or culture, a pastoral consideration from what he is sensing in the congregation, or a personal issue the pastor is learning from himself. Each of these can be taken into consideration in selecting a text to preach on. Secondly, he says the preacher ought to meditate on the sermon text. He gives two questions to ask: what does it mean and what does it say (221)? After meditating on the text, he suggests that pastors isolate the dominant thought of the passage. “One of the chief ways in which a sermon differs from a lecture is that it aims to convey only one major message” (225). The final steps are to arrange your material to serve the dominant thought, add an introduction and conclusion, and to spend time praying over and reading the sermon.

The last two chapters focus on the manner of the pastor. He is to be four things: sincere, earnest, courageous and humble. On being sincere, he gives the example of Billy Graham who came to England in 1954. Stott wondered to himself why 12,000 people every night for three months would come to see Billy Graham yet many of England’s churches were half full. His conclusion is that Billy Graham lived what he preached (270). This is the picture of sincerity that Stott is thinking of. To be earnest is to feel what we say. He points out many examples of previous preachers who would cry over lost souls. In his discussion about being courageous, Stott argues that we should not be afraid to deal with the difficult subjects in the Bible, but we should deal with them in a balanced viewpoint. He quotes John Newton as saying that the point of preaching is “to break a hard heart and to heal a broken heart” (314). He closes his book discussing the humility of the preacher. We are to be humble in submitting ourselves to Scripture and the work of the spirit, and to glory in Christ.

Stott’s book is a strong call to Biblical preaching and includes many things that should challenge any preacher who reads it. His exhortation for us to submit to the Word is an important foundation for the preacher and any who call themselves Christian. Finally, his call for us to engage the world with Scripture by building bridges is central in the spread of the gospel. 

11 May 2008

Ἀναστάσις—The Rebirth of the Nicene Faith

Jason G. Andersen

After the Council of Nicea in 325, there was much turmoil within the empire in regard to doctrine. Arianism was not completely vanquished until the effects of the Council of Constantinople of 381 became firmly established and after the appointment of a non-Arian Bishop. Between the councils, Julian strove to bring back pagan practices, and Valens fought against the orthodox faith. For example, he divided Basil’s civil province to discipline his stubborn orthodoxy thereby lessening his power, but in turn, Basil appointed his friend, Gregory Nazianzus and brother, Gregory of Nyssa in the newly established sees.

Valens, however, did not last much longer. In 378, he died in battle against the revolting Visigoths. In his place, Emperor Gratian of the western empire appointed Theodosius, a Spaniard. According to both Socrates and Sozomen, he was a capable man and general in the eyes of the people before his appointment.[1] Theodosius swiftly went to work to quell the uprising. “Theodosius was. . . successful against the tribes from the bank of Ister; he defeated them compelling them to sue for peace and, after accepting hostages from them proceeded to Thessalonica.”[2] At this point, Theodosius became deadly ill and “was most gladly baptized by the bishop” because he held to Nicene doctrine. Sozomen tells us that Theodosius grew up with parents who held to Nicene doctrine and this devotion was passed on to him. He heard from the bishop at Thessalonica that further east, especially at Constantinople, there were many divisions among the Church concerning trinitarian doctrine.[3]

Soon after Theodosius’ baptism, Gregory Nazianzus was called upon to revive Nicene faith within the Arian walls of Constantinople. He began to preach Nicene orthodoxy from a small home which was converted into a chapel. It was named ἀναστάσις-resurrection-because his preaching heralded a new call for Nicene orthodoxy to be resurrected in opposition to the Arian faith so deeply entrenched at Constantinople. He preached a series of great sermons on the Trinity which proclaimed essential Nicene truths. Sozomen speaks concerning this saying, “The name Anastasis was given to this church, because, as I believe, the Nicene doctrines which were fallen into disuse in Constantinople, and, so to speak, buried by reason of power of the heterodox, arose from the dead and were again quickened through the discourses of Gregory.”[4]

In 380, Theodosius condemned Arians and called the eastern church back to the faith of Peter, the Roman Church, and bishop Peter of Alexandria (Anthanasius’ brother).[5] He removed the Bishop of Constantinople, Demophilus, from his see and appointed Gregory Nazianzus. Gregory’s appointment as bishop of Constanitinople was met with controversy later on at the coming council, especially by the Alexandrian bishops because he already held the see at Nazianzus. Hearing this, Gregory stepped down not only from his see in Constantinople but also from being the president over the council. Sozomen praises Gregory for his humility in this situation.[6] In place of Gregory, Sozomen and Socrates tell us that Emperor Theodosius appointed an elderly man as bishop, “mild and gentle in his manners, and admirable in his whole course of life.”[7] He was a prætor of the senatorial class and was appointed at the suggestion of Diodorus, Bishop of Tarsus. He was appointed even after it was found out that he was not baptized. Sozomen praises his appointment as being brought about “by divine strength.”[8] Theodosius continued his push for Nicene orthodoxy by forbidding the assembling of non-orthodox groups and taking the churches from the Arians in Constantinople. He called a council of eastern bishops to reassert the orthodox faith. The council convened in May of 381 with 150 bishops attending.

The Council and Its Canons

This council was not immediately considered to be of any prominence until the Council of Chalcedon of 451. There were four canons of the council with an additional two canons which were not part of the proceedings of the council. According to Leo Donald Davis, the 5th and 6th canons came from the local council of Constantinople of 382.[9]

The first canon reasserted the Nicene faith saying, “the faith of the 318 fathers who assembled at Nicea in Bithynia is not to be made void, but shall continue to be established.”[10] Among the anathemas of the first canon are the Eunomians, Arians, Sabellians, Marcellians, Photinians, and the Apollinarians.[11] Every one of these heresies were heretical in that they denied part of the orthodox teaching on the trinity. The second canon said that bishops were not to meddle in business outside of their particular region. Davis says that this principle later develops into the principle of accommodation in the eastern church where “the importance of an episcopal see depends on its prominence in civil matters.”[12] For example, the bishop of Alexandria was to use his power only within the area of Alexandria and Egypt. He was not allowed to use his ecclesiastical authority if he were in Antioch unless he was asked to do so by the local bishop. In addition to this, the third canon said, “The bishop of Constantinople should have the next prerogative of honor after the bishop of Rome, because that city was New Rome.”[13] Davis notes how this point has caused tension throughout the Church for “centuries to come.”[14] The final canon denied the appointment of Maximus the Cynic as bishop of Constantinople, nullifying all his ordinations and official acts. Davis summarizes the accomplishments of the canon and says,

Theologically, it had carried on the logic of the Council of Nicea and cautiously applied the Council’s reasoning about the Son’s relation to the Father to the Holy Spirit, though confining its statement to biblical terminology. Administratively, the council continued the eastern practice of accommodating the ecclesiastical organization to the civil organization of the Empire, sowing the seeds of discord among the four great sees of the East and West by the raising the ecclesiastical status of Constantinople to correspond to its civil position as New Rome.[15]

The Creed Traditionally Ascribed to the First Council of Constantinople

We believe in one God, the Father, almighty, maker of heaven and earth, of all things visible and invisible;

And in the one Lord Jesus Christ, the only begotten Son of God, begotten from the Father before all ages, light from light, true God from true God, begotten not made, of one substance with the father, through Whom all things came into existence, Who because of us men and because of our salvation came down from heaven, and was incarnate from the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary and became man, and was crucified for us under Pontius Pilate, and suffered and was buried, and rose again on the third day according to the Scriptures and ascended to heaven, and sits at the right hand of the Father, and will come again with glory to judge the living and the dead, of Whose kingdom there will be no end;

And in the Holy Spirit, the Lord and life-giver, Who proceeds from the father [and the son], Who with the Father and the son is together worshiped and together glorified, Who spoke through the prophets; in one holy Catholic and apostolic Church. We confess one baptism to the remission of sins; we look forward to the resurrection of the dead and the life of the world to come. Amen.[16]

This creed is the creed that is accepted by the whole of Christendom as the Nicene Creed, however, this specific rendering is typically ascribed to the Council of Constantinople. According to popular thought, the creed originated at Nicea in 325 and was revised at Constantinople in 381. However, J.N.D. Kelly notes the creed ascribed to Nicea and the creed ascribed to Constantinople are wholly separate creeds.[17] Kelly compares the two creeds by providing the omissions from the Nicene Creed in the Creed of Constantinople and then also provides the additional material not found in the Creed.[18] In addition to these differences, when the creed was read aloud at the Council of Chalcedon, it seems that the fathers were unfamiliar with it whereas at the reading of the true Nicean creed brought a raucous applause.[19] This shows a discontinuity that is hard to reconcile if they were the same document.

Kelly goes on to suggest that the Creed of Constantinople was probably a local baptismal creed from the east which was drawn up during the council and accepted as authoritative at the Council of Chalcedon.[20] The problem that arises from the confusion is that the creed is certainly not the Nicene Creed, but the fathers of Constantinople did not want to replace the venerated Nicene Creed. For Kelly, the Creed of Constantinople is a reassertion of the Nicene Creed “in the shape of the Creed of Constantinople.”[21] It may not be the Nicene Creed, but its theological implications surely do not disagree with it.

The council of Constantinople is an important turning point in the Church where Arianism was finally vanquished and Nicene orthodoxy was upheld. To the chagrin of many today, there is not the sense of urgency of the Church being lost as there was at this time. There are many lessons to be learned by this period of history.

Bibliography

Davis, Leo Donald. The First Seven Ecumenical Councils (325-787): Their History and Theology. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1983.

Kelly, J.N.D., Early Christian Creeds. New York: Longman, 1972.

Schaff, Philip and Henry Wace. A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Volume II, Socrates and Sozomenus: Church Histories. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1952.

Cairns, Earle E. Christianity Through the Centuries: A History of the Christian Church. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1996.



[1] Sozomen VII. 4, Socrates V. 2, Philip Schaff and Henry Wace. A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Volume II, Socrates and Sozomenus: Church Histories (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1952) 119, 378.

[2] Sozomen VII. 4, Ibid., 378

[3] Sozomen VII. 4, Schaff, 378.

[4] Sozomen VII. 5, Schaff, 379.

[5] Leo Donald Davis, The First Seven Ecumenical Councils (325-787): Their History and Theology (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1983), 119.

[6] Sozomen VII. 6, Schaff, 380.

[7] Socrates V. 8, Schaff, 121.

[8] Sozomen VII. 8, Schaff, 381.

[9] Davis, 126.

[10]Ibid., 126.

[11] Ibid., 126, 7.

[12] Ibid., 127.

[13] Socrates V. 8, Schaff, 121.

[14] Davis, 128; See also Earle E. Cairns. Christianity Through the Centuries: A History of the Christian Church. (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1996) 151.

[15] Ibid., 129.

[16] J.N.D. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds (New York: Longman, 1972), 297, 98.

[17] Ibid., 296 ff.

[18] Ibid., 302, 303.

[19] Ibid., 316.

[20] Ibid., 296 ff.

[21] Davis, 123.

Control and Openness in the Theology of Gregory of Nyssa

Jason G. Andersen

I. Historical Background

“One of the glories of history is that sometimes the wisdom of the past becomes a vitalizing fact for the future.”[1] Gregory of Nyssa was not only one of the great Church fathers of his time, for he was called “the Father of Fathers” by a later church council, but his life and work can help us to work through the divisiveness within the church and theology right now. Gregory was born around 335 A.D. to Godly parents, grandparents and siblings. Two of the greatest influences in his life were his brother Basil and his sister Macrina the Younger. Basil, the father of the Monastic movement in the east, was educated classically in Athens, and it is assumed by most scholars that this is where Gregory learned most of his non-biblical training. Gregory differentiates himself from his brother Basil, however, in his attitude towards non-Christian ideas. Paulos Mar Gregorios says that Gregory used pagan philosophies in order to fight them especially during the reign of Julian the Apostate who recalled pagan religion over and against Christianity.[2] His chaste sister rebuked him for what she considered his love of pagan philosophy, but Gregorios later explains Gregory’s use of non-biblical knowledge:

Gregory exemplifies a positive attitude to the material creation as such, and not merely to pagan philosophy. The mistrust of pagan knowledge, art and culture, of beauty and pleasure, which characterized certain aspects of the early Latin tradition are not seen here. It is a fact that the better values in pagan culture were more freely appreciated and faithfully conserved by Gregory than they were by contemporary pagans, who under the influence of Neoplatonism and Manicheeism despised the aesthetic values of this world.[3]

Gregory was also influenced by Origen’s teaching’s through Gregory Thaumaturgus who had been heavily influenced by Origen and had brought his teachings to Pontus. Initially as you read Gregory, he seems to be completely Origenist in that he uses allegorical interpretation. However, Gregory did not wholly accept Origenist teachings because he based his study on the Bible and not on any one man.[4]

II. Methodology

A. Theological Method and Presuppositions

Gregory’s basis for his theology is an understanding that “all scripture [is] inspired by God, all must be useful and must contain truth – even if that truth is hard to access.”[5] He continues his description of the truth of scripture by rejecting the truth if it is a “theological impropriety, a physical or logical impossibility, [or] useless or immoral” and says that “these impossibilities point towards a spiritual meaning of scripture.”[6] Gregory was drawn to use allegory to help interpret difficult passages. He inherited this understanding of a deeper meaning from Origen. Ludlow says that Gregory defends his use of allegory by citing Paul’s explicit use of allegory in Galatians as a defense for his use of it.[7]

Another aspect of Gregory’s method is his understanding of what theology is. To speak of Gregory’s theology would be to speak in a manner which was foreign to Gregory. One of Gregory’s fundamental presuppositions was that there can only be “one theology, common for us all, expressed in the divine words (theological statements: θεολογίαι) of the Hoy Scripture, set out for us by the persons inspired by the Holy Spirit.”[8] Theology is built on “many words but only one ‘speaking body’ of several members” based on the word of God.[9] Thus, acccording to Gregory, there is no specific theology of Basil or Gregory Nazianzus, but there is one theology based in scripture and communicated through a community in various forms. A certain man’s theology would simply be the work of man and not of God. Ari Ojell explains Gregory’s theology even further and says concerning Gregory, “Any identification of himself as a theologian, and claim ‘according to my theology’ with a reference to his personal speculations concerning God, would be the same as admitting that he is a heretic having his own private god, an idol that he has made up of his own theory.”[10] Gregory is making a point in his semantic game: we are not called to be theologians, but servants of the mysteries of God in line with Paul or Moses. According to Gregory, the utmost Christian perfection would not be a theologian but a servant of God whom the lord calls friend.[11]

Another theme that Gregory focuses on is that of akolouthia. For Gregory, akolouthia is the idea that there is a logical sequence and coherence throughout all of scripture at both the level of the text, the level of the underlying spiritual meaning of the text, and throughout all of creation.[12] The akolouthia or sequence is a distinction between the creation and the Creator, but akolouthia is also part of the mark of God in creation.[13] Gregory focuses on the creation and the eschatos because they are the beginnning and end of the sequence built into God’s creation.[14] Akolouthia does not, however, imply that Gregory belived in some sort of Deism. The akolouthia of Gregory may be something that is built into creation, but God is still in control “upholding the universe by the word of his power.”

Within this system, Gregory believed that man was created in the image of God, and the primary attributes that God gave to man were human freedom, reason, the mind, gift of words, and royalty.[15] “Man is crowned with power to rule over the animals; man is crowned with understanding to marvel at the universe; man is crowned with an inquisitive, adventurous spirit to seek knowledge.”[16]

Even though Gregory proposes a logical framework for the world, he does not put forward the idea that logic is able to answer every question. He realizes that there are unknowable things, such as the essence of God. Gregorios describes Gregory’s view this way, “Reason, in its speculative thrust, is free to go wherever it wants, whereas for the Christian, reason has to be controlled by the category of the Intent of Scripture. Gregory says that the pagan thinker can use reason to affirm what he wishes, while for Christians, ‘We make the Holy Scriptures the standard and rule of all teaching; we are bound, therefore, to have in view that and only that which is in harmony with the intention of Scripture.’”[17] For Gregory, “pagan philosophy can either be the handmaid of Christian teaching, or the occasion for idolatry in the Temple of God.”[18] Gregorios suggests that Gregory lived with scripture as the basis for theology and builds off of that foundation with pagan philosophies where applicable whereas one of Gregory’s opponents, Eunomius, began with pagan philosophy and sought to adapt it to Christianity.[19] In some ways, Gregory’s akolouthia is similar to what we study today as “Biblical Theology” and the theology of the canon.

Gregory also emphasized that created beings were unable to know God’s complete essence or nature.[20] “The eternity of God, as uncreated Being who does not, by consequence, give any support to our thought, makes him inaccessible to rational knowledge.”[21] Archbishop Basil Krivochine also says in the same vein that God’s wisdom and his will are one and the same. “What he wills is wise, and by the very act of God’s knowing and willing, everything recieves being.”[22]

In divine nature, power is concurrent with will, and the measure of the power of God is the will. But the will is wisdom. And the property of wisdom is not to be ignorant of how every single thing came to be. With the knowledge also springs up the power to achieve. So whatever is known also immediately has come to be, the power to work out beings being concurrent; to be known leads to being effected, nothing intervening between known and coming into existence, but immediately, without any interval the work becomes accomplished simultaneously with the will. Thus the will is effective power so that whenever beings are willed they also come into being; those which are concieved have the possibility and occasion for their existence in being willed. From God’s side all things in creation are to be understood together—the will, the wisdom, the effective power and the essence of existing beings.[23]

B. Gregory’s Interpretive Method

Gregory follows after Origen in his methodology for interpreting the Scripture. A primary difference between Origen’s allegorical interpretation and Gregory’s, however, is the manner in which they employ allegory. For Origen, the meaning of a difficult text is defined by other connected passages in scripture. In other words, Origen does not see each passage in its context, but he sees it in a systematic manner where he looks for other relevant passages without considering the specific akolouthia of the text. Gregory, on the other hand, begins looking at difficult passages first by looking at the shape of the text by exploring the akolouthia, or overarching theme, of the text.[24] After Gregory understands the akolouthia of the text, he is free to interpret the text in light of the akolouthia.[25] Much of the time Gregory perceives that the akolouthia of the text reveals a jouney of the soul, which is most often, to Gregory, somewhat explicit in the text itself.[26]

IV. Example of Gregory’s Method: On the Life of Moses

On the Life of Moses is one of Gregory’s allegorical works which exemplifies much of his theological underpinnings.[27] In his later life, Gregory was asked by a young friend to write a work about a virtuous life, and he thought that the life of Moses would be a beneficial example. Gregory chooses the story of Moses because he believes that all Scripture is useful for teaching. Gregory begins by telling the historical story of Moses. For Gregory, the sequence of events of Moses’ life represent an upright Christian life. At the end of his explanation of Moses’ historical life Gregory says, “We must adapt the life which we have called to mind [Moses] to the aim which we have proposed for our study [the virtuous life] so that we might gain some benefit for the virtuous life from the things mentioned.”[28] Heine says that Gregory “reimagine[s] the life of Moses to show its usefulness for the Christian life in his own time.”[29]

In Gregory’s reimagining of Moses’ life, he begins his interpretation by pointing out that it is impossible for anyone to imitate Moses’ life.[30] In Gregory’s method, this impossibility points to a spiritual meaning because of the non-existent simple meaning. He then follows his method by examining the shape of the text and by looking at the sequence or akolouthia of Moses’ life. Gregory finds through Moses’ life that the goal of a virtuous life is to be “called a servant of God.”[31] Moses’ life is not understood simply as a perfect life; he did not cross over into the promised land. For Gregory, this illustrates the point that life does not end at death, but it continues forever. “Moses reached his goal and yet he will never quite be there [in this life].”[32]

V. Critique of Gregory’s Method

Akolouthia is one of the primary theological underpinnings of Gregory’s method. Gregory’s understanding that there is a sequence and order in all creation and in scripture is one of the best aspects of his method which we can glean for our own method today. If we fail to see the overarching themes throughout scripture, our interpretation will be lacking. I was speaking with one of my professors, and he was making a similar point about how we should understand Galatians. He said that we should not base our contextualization of the text outside of the text either in its Second Temple background or in Luther’s Reformation cry against works righteousness. Rather, we need to base our understanding of Galatians on the basis of the message of Galatians by itself and within its place in the canon. In the words of Gregory, we ought to understand that there is an akolouthia throughout the book of Galatians and the rest of Scripture that will help us understand the text. In addition to the akolouthia of Scripture, according to Gregory, there is also an akolouthia, which runs throughout all of creation which was placed there by God at the founding of this world. Gregory would probably go so far as to say that we can understand the earth rationally because of this order. The breakdown in understanding comes when man tries to comprehend the essence of God.

A problem arises for protestants when we come to Gregory’s allegorical method. It is an interesting balance between openness and control, which is foreign to our western, mostly Latin-derived interpretations. However much allegory is derided by the majority of those who were born under protestantism, there is a distinction between what we call allegory and what Gregory called allegory, and this needs to be noted before condemning Gregory’s interpretation. Typically, protestants fear allegorical interpretation because it seems like any wind of doctrine could be formulated from it. Gregory, however, came to the text with some constraints that helped to provide at least some structure from which allegory, literal interpretation, or typological interpretations could be hung. In regard to allegorical interpretation, we should think about what it is that God is saying by the text. Is the historically-driven sensus plenior the only valid interpretation, or can we take the intent of the text to go beyond its sensus plenior as Paul did in Galatians? Can God speak through allegory insofar as it is a part of the akolouthia of the text? Gregory defends his use by alluding to Paul’s allegory in Galatians. This issue remains unresolved and poorly discussed among traditional protestants today because of the rightly perceived danger of allegory. Ronald Heine suggests that the allegorical interpretation of Gregory which was constrained by akolouthia is the same task that a preacher faces weekly. “The preacher. . . must not only understand the Biblical text and be faithful to it but also reimagine it in the contemporary world.”[33]

V. Final Notes on Gregory

Gregory did much work in his day to defend orthodoxy. He fought against pagan philosophies by using them but not accommodating to them. He developed an understanding of Scripture which is a central tenant in keeping the Bible relevant to our our day in his akolouthia. He called men of God to be humble and realize that there is only one theology, and that theology is based on the Bible and nothing else. Gregory of Nyssa developed a system of thought, which we today might be able to utilize in our interpretation of scripture that may help us to hold on to the reins of orthodoxy in an age where the Bible is no longer center.


Bibliography

Attrep, Abe. “From the Old to the New: Some of St. Gregory of Nyssa’s Teachings and the Modern Era.” The Greek Orthodox Theological Review 42 (1997): 287-298.

Gregorios, Paulos Mar. Cosmic Man: The Divine Presence. New York: Pargon House, 1980.

Heine, Ronald E. Reading the Old Testament with the Ancient Church. Grand Rapids: Baker, 2007.

Krivochine, Archbishop Basil. “Simplicity of the Divine Nature and the Distinctions in God, According to Gregory of Nyssa.” St. Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly 21 (1977): 76- 104.

Ludlow, Morwenna Ludlow. “Theology and Allegory: Origen and Gregory of Nyssa on the Unity and Diversity of Scripture.” International Journal of Systematic Theology 4 (2002): 45-66.

Ojell, Ari. “Service or Mastery? ‘Theology’ in Gregory of Nyssa’s Contra Eunomium.” In Gregory of Nyssa: Contra Eunomium II: An English Version with Supporting Studies Proceedings of the 10th International Colloquium on Gregory of Nyssa, edited by Lenka Karfíková, Scot Douglass and Johannes Zachhuber. 473-484. Leiden: Brill, 2007.



[1] Abe Attrep, “From the Old to the New: Some of St. Gregory of Nyssa’s Teachings and the Modern Era,” The Greek Orthodox Theological Review 42 (1997): 287.

[2] Paulos Mar Gregorios, Cosmic Man: The Divine Presence, (New York: Pargon House, 1980), xxv.

[3] Ibid., 5.

[4] Origen believed in a type of universal salvation and the pre-existence of souls; See also Georges Barrois, “The Alleged Origenism of St. Gregory of Nyssa,” St. Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly 30 (1986): 7-16.

[5] Morwenna Ludlow, “Theology and Allegory: Origen and Gregory of Nyssa on the Unity and Diversity of Scripture,” International Journal of Systematic Theology 4 (2002): 53.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ari Ojell, “Service or Mastery? ‘Theology’ in Gregory of Nyssa’s Contra Eunomium,” in Gregory of Nyssa: Contra Eunomium II: An English Version with Supporting Studies Proceedings of the 10th International Colloquium on Gregory of Nyssa, ed Lenka Karfíková, Scot Douglass and Johannes Zachhuber (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 474.

[9] Ibid.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Ibid., 475

[12] Ludlow, 53.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid., 54

[15] Attrep, 290.

[16] Ibid.

[17] Gregorios, 3.

[18] Ibid., 23.

[19] Ibid., 26, 27.

[20] Archbishop Basil Krivochine, “Simplicity of the Divine Nature and the Distinctions in God, According to Gregory of Nyssa,” St. Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly 21 (1977): 76.

[21] Ibid., 77.

[22] Ibid., 51

[23] Ibid., 50, 51.

[24] Ludlow, 55.

[25] Ibid.

[26] Ibid.

[27] This basic overview of On the Life of Moses is found in Ronald E. Heine, Reading the Old Testament with the Ancient Church, (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2007), 88ff, and a theological overview is best explained in Ludlow, 55, 56.

[28] Heine, 89.

[29] Ibid.

[30] Ludlow, 55.

[31] Ibid., 56.

[32] Ibid.

[33] Heine, 94.